This paper examines the theoretical coherence of his theory. As in Habermas, Honneth does not see emancipation moving beyond the state/society division. Habermas knows this; yet instead of pursuing a politics that challenges capitalism and social democracy, his project ignores the former and embraces a version of the latter that confines collective challenges to authority within narrow social perimeters. Subsequent research foregrounds the territorial dimension in discerning a “coercive” element used to secure the transfer of cheap goods from developing countries to advanced capitalist states (Patnaik and Patnaik 2017, 86). The second criterion of Lenin’s definition of imperialism is still valid today. As I argue, Lenin offers insights for Critical Theorists, particularly on the place of nationalism within transformative political projects, as well as on the dynamics of capitalist accumulation and territorial acquisition. 1917. In complete Works of Vladimir Lenin, which is the fifth edition of Lenin's works, includes all materials printed in the third and fourth editions, which is more than 3000 documents. Lenin connects the struggle against imperialism to a transitional understanding of state power. Thus, Ashley's appropriation of Foucault is susceptible to Habermas’ critique of the latter's work as a kind of positivism (1985). Lenin’s Perspective on Imperialism Disagreed • There are several variations of the Marxist view of imperialism; Lenin’s is the most commonly accepted. Horkheimer and Althusser deepen this discussion on strategy in a way that Lenin, as we will see, further elaborates. As influence is generated and “channeled” into “administration,” the state is legitimized. Marx's often referenced eleventh thesis on Feuerbach—philosophers have only interpreted the world, in various ways; the point is to change it—includes a proviso that sits at the center of work on emancipation. Perry Anderson makes this clear in differentiating Lenin and his interlocutors—the school of “Orthodox Marxism”—from the First Generation Critical Theorists who developed their thought in the interwar period (1974, 34). Additionally, discourse ethics provides few insights for us concerning the advent of exclusionary forms of nationalism. Some may believe research on constituted versus constitutive power represents an improvement over Lenin (Negri 2014, see also Hardt and Negri 2001). Contra Hobson-Lenin-Milanovic Posted on 2016-05-08 by pseudoerasmus The “Hobson-Lenin Thesis”: Inequality, Ycmou Tybcom Assignment Imperialism, and the First World War In a small section in his new book, Branko Milanovic argues that the First World War was ultimately caused by income & wealth inequality within the belligerent countries, resurrecting ideas from John A. Lenin, Oct … Including “predatory acts” such as privatization and eviction, Harvey terms this process “accumulation by dispossession (2005, 144–145).” Yet, where accumulation by dispossession (or primitive accumulation) parallels imperialism concerning territory, the concepts differ with respect to politics. In promoting the Bolsheviks, Lenin claims that the Narodniks and Mensheviks “daily whitewash the Russian capitalists by throwing all the blame on the German capitalists and tramples on the fraternal alliance of the workers of all countries in their struggle against the capitalists of all countries (1917).” Lenin offers an internationalist position for electors that defies militarism and capitalism, regardless of the nationality of the property owner. Furthermore, the possibility that one country's rise connects in any way to exploiting another is absent from consideration. Positionality, in this understanding, is not simply about noting one's markers of privilege in different hierarchies. Central pillars of Critical Theory—a concern with emancipation and the understanding that concepts must work against domination—remain relevant. In his intention of moving out of the discipline and into practice, Ashley believes his work automatically transcends the walls of the academy to mobilize “marginal,” dissident voices. In his work, Lenin recognizes plural versions of territorialization as integral to imperialism. Anti-imperialist political action as Critical Theoretic practice must promote redividing the world in a way that challenges the state/civil society division. Political Obligation: State-Centric or Multi-Level? Lenin was born in Streletskaya Ulitsa, Simbirsk, now Ulyanovsk, on 22 April 1870, and baptised six days later; as a child, he was known as Volodya, a diminutive of Vladimir. Lenin reactivado es un llamamiento de algunos de los principales teóricos marxistas del mundo para recuperar la atención que merece la importante figura de Lenin. 10 Preface to the French and German editions, 6 July 1920, 11 Preface to the Russian edition, 26 Ap. Althusser's comment on Marx forces us to think beyond the state/society division, leading us to realize that the state is a necessary part of global relations. As firms centralize, Lenin adds, they seek control. They supplement and elucidate the principal theses of Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism. His advocacy appears when Habermas refers to the discourse theory of democracy as a “a network of pragmatic considerations, compromises, and discourses of self-understanding and of justice, grounding the presumption that reasonable or fair results are obtained insofar as the flow of relevant information and its proper handling have not been obstructed (1998, 296).” In discourse ethics, the public sphere is where emancipation exists, understood as practices whereby people free themselves from structures of domination to promote self-understanding, self-determination, and justice. See Notebooks, pp. a new debate on imperialism has flourished. Imperialism adds to “cases of tyranny,” by pitting immigrants against citizens, white workers against people of color, and people in economically dominant states against colonized subjects who live elsewhere. A quick look at the amount of revenue that different states garner from taxes, the composition of different countries’ economies and sizes of their respective militaries, indicates not only variation, but profound inequalities. Kevin Anderson recognizes such qualities in Lenin's efforts to connect theoretic work with practical activity, leading him to state that the Russian Revolutionary deserves greater attention in the Critical Theory tradition (1995). The Leninist Theory of Imperialism, the Guide for the Struggle of the Communists Certain issues related to Lenin’s work “Imperialism, the highest stage of capitalism” on the occasion of its 100th anniversary this year.By Giorgos Marinos, Political Bureau, KKEThe complexity of the economic and political developments at an international and national level is borne out […] With this project, Habermas makes the state and the rule of law integral to emancipation. In actual experience, capitalism necessarily involves territorial dimensions, which is where the concept of imperialism emerges as crucial in analyzing and identifying pathways for social transformation. Already in What is to be Done? Such divisions proliferate because economic and political elites retain the material ability to pit groups against one another. At its worse, opportunism took on explicitly racist forms, as some organizers of Lenin's day held anti-Semitic, anti-Indian, and anti-Irish views (Virdee 2017). Patnaik and Patnaik note that the period of US hegemony was “an unusual interlude” in the history of imperialism, as nation-states around the world did a variety of measures such as set prices, establish currency controls, and engage in deficit spending (2017, 31–32). Lenin's relevance is here, precisely, in helping us think on how to bring people together and create unity out of fragmentation, setting the work of emancipation on a path toward creating new political, economic, and cultural relations. Saving National IR from Exceptionalism: The Dialogic Spirit and Self-Reflection in Chinese IR Theory, Religion and US Foreign Policy: Epistemic Communities, Regimes, and Interests, A Theory of Balance of Relationships: Improvised Relationality, Imagined Resemblance, and Bilateral Stability, Regulatory Contestation: Steering toward Consistency in International Norm Implementation, About the International Studies Association, Rising Nationalisms and the Challenge for Critical Theory, Communicative Action and the Depoliticization of Critical Theory, Honneth, the Struggle for Recognition, and the Fetish of Civil Society, Some (Incomplete) Acknowledgements of Strategy and Internationalism in Critical Theory, Lenin on Movement Strategy, Imperialist Territorialization, and Conservative Nationalism, Lenin's Anti-Imperialism as Critical Theory for (and beyond) the Nation-State, Regrounding and Repoliticizing Critical Theory via Lenin, https://www.marxists.org/archive/lenin/works/1917/staterev/, www.kolleg-postwachstum.de/sozwgmedia/dokumente/WorkingPaper/WP+1_2017+Fraser, Receive exclusive offers and updates from Oxford Academic, Copyright © 2021 International Studies Association. They contain a wealth of material on Lenin’s theory of imperialism and socialist revolution, the economic and political essence of imperialism, the uneven economic and political development of the capitalist countries in the epoch of imperialism, state-monopoly capitalism, and the strategy and tactics of the revolutionary struggle of the proletariat in new conditions. Lenin’s Perspective on Imperialism Disagreed • There are several variations of the Marxist view of imperialism; Lenin’s is the most commonly accepted. In building from their efforts, Lenin characterizes imperialism as featuring the rise of corporate monopolization, expansion of finance capital, export of capital taking precedence over the export of commodities, an increased presence of international monopoly associations, and the conclusion of dividing the planet territorially ([1975] 1916a, 244). The reasoning surrounding the claim that Russia was the “weakest link in the chain,” which Trotsky develops in his analysis of the 1905 revolution,5 clarifies the strategic elements within Lenin's thought on self-determination. Proponents of discourse ethics, however, reify state/society relations, ultimately depoliticizing calls for social transformation. In addition, the Notebooks contain miscellaneous notes made by Lenin in the period 1912–16. A project for social transformation must mobilize beyond social relations as they exist, forging alternative modes of producing cultural, economic, and political life in refashioned territories. imperialism in generaland 4) Lenin's theory of imperialism. Corpus ID: 160195700. This article, focusing on Lenin's work concerning imperialism, shows the importance, yet shortcomings of foregrounding the nation in calling for social transformation. His multi-dimensional work around the concept, from writing theoretical texts and pamphlets, to organizing conferences and events (e.g., The Third Communist International, or Comintern), provides a way to reconsider the Critical Theoretic tradition within International Relations. We live at a time of heightened nationalism on the political right and left, from the mobilization of anti-immigrant sentiment in the United States and Europe, to promoting Palestinian liberation. Lamenting the demise of “truth” as nationalists repeatedly denounce immigrants and use racist tropes in the press reveals a faith in media neutrality that usually the state regulates. The preliminary writings for the book were later published as Notebooks on Imperialism. Lenin's work on imperialism draws our attention to the idea that only by mobilizing beyond the state/society binary—which many Critical Theorists and activists reify, sometimes unintentionally—can we explore the nature of emancipatory political action. Different voices also in the Marxist tradition—Lenin, notably—take issue with such a depiction. Instead, Cox draws attention to the many different forces in civil society that have the potential to make change. The first edition in Russian is published in 1917–during World War I, shortly after Czar Nicolas abdicates—“to help the reader understand the fundamental economic question, the economic essence of imperialism, for unless this is studied, it will be impossible to understand and appraise the modern war and modern politics ([1975] 1916a, 204).” In addition to influencing popular debates in Russia, three years later, in translating the pamphlet into French and German, Lenin hopes the work is “useful for many Communists in advanced countries…of making use of even the slight remnants of legality which still remain at the disposal ([1975 1916a, 206)].” “That still remain at their disposal,” refers to the wave of arrests and executions that took place against movements that the Bolsheviks inspired. Fraser likewise recognizes that capitalism has always required “extra-economic forms of political power (2015, 163).” This speaks to the debate as to whether imperialism is best understood as a particular kind of policy, a historical stage of capitalism, or integral to capitalism itself. Struggles for self-determination, as took place in Cuba, China, and Vietnam, removed territories from global capitalism. Meanwhile, other theorists, such as Cox (1981, 1999) and Robinson (2001), who work more with Gramsci, have offered novel approaches that contest orthodox conceptions of political economy. Lenin provides a way to conceive of territorialization, drawing attention to the “uneven development” of world capitalism that produces labor aristocracies in certain areas at the same time as the “semi-starvation of the masses” takes place in another ([1975] 1916a, 226). Parsing the Politics of Crisis After Polyani, Legitimation Crisis? If capitalist accumulation seeks to incorporate different territories of distinct political entities, then we are speaking of imperialism—which may occur between states, as well as within them. In general, discourse ethics depoliticizes Critical Theory, with movements told where and how to mobilize. 39, Cuaderno y (gamma): Paul Louis", en Collected works, Moscú: Editorial Progreso. Lenin's dual understanding of nationalism—as potentially a conservative force and an emancipatory one—moves us beyond taking the nation as the principal unit of politics. Moreover, as I also argued in Lenin, Hegel, and Western Marxism, Lenin’s study of Hegel is significant not only as one of the most important revolutionary Marxist interpretations of the dialectic, but also because it was connected to his subsequent theorizing of imperialism, the state, and revolution, all carried out after the Hegel Notebooks of 1914-15. Using this theory does not mean memorizing the lines of his book, but studying the book and the specific forms of contemporary monopoly. Whereas the pamphlet is just over one hundred pages, the notebooks exceed eight hundred. Lenin's multi-dimensional contributions with respect to imperialism—in activism and theory—offer a special vantage point for locating where and how his work advances the Critical Theoretic project. Revolutionary dictatorship is proletarian governance that involves methods to check, and if needed, suppress tendencies that favor capitalism and narrow forms of nationalism. The essay is a synthesis of Lenin's modifications and developments of economic theories that Karl Marx formulated in Das Kapital (1867). Cardoso Fernando Henrique, Faletto Enzo. The Notebooks consist of 15 notebooks, each of which Lenin designated by a Greek letter from α (alpha) to o (omicron), and six unnumbered notebooks; of the six, only the last was compiled after Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism was written. Such a critique is akin to Robinson's theorization of the “transnational state,” which incorporates how international organizations function in the world economy to facilitate capitalist accumulation (2001). Furthermore, to claim that the state is “obsolete” expresses the position that movements on their own must focus on themselves to seek emancipation. Lenin’s theory of imperialism has proven to be a highly flexible instrument for understanding the imperialism today. Ashley's version of theory, which seems political and empowering, is confined to the discipline of International Relations. In the first and the second, I detail the Theory of Communicative Action, featuring Habermas and Honneth, while also including the work of some International Relations theorists. Lenin’s Notebooks consist mainly of long extracts in German from Hegel, interspersed with commentary, marginalia, and his own conceptualizations of the dialectic. Meanwhile, actors on the left have also embraced nationalism. Strategically, Lenin's analysis of division and fragmentation provides the basis for mobilization. Harvey, for instance, draws our attention to two distinct “logics”—capitalist and territorial—which are analytically distinct (2005, 29). This is why Habermas and his advocacy of discourse ethics is normative; while rooted in historical experience, the public sphere also encompasses values that its theorists promote. Althusser, in commenting on the notion of the “weakest link in the chain,” writes “Lenin was correct to see in it the objective conditions of a Russian revolution, and to forge its subjective conditions, the means of a decisive assault on this weak link in the imperialist chain, in a Communist Party that was a chain without weak links (1962; italics are his).” Emancipatory struggles for self-determination, strategically, challenge capitalist accumulation by taking territories out of chains of production, exchange, and/or circulation, while simultaneously building movement, or party, unity. Where Ashley turns to Foucault, Cox moves to Marxism, and more particularly, to Gramsci. 13 cf. One assumption is that every society—no matter where in the world—could feature struggles for recognition and a form of the state as displayed in advanced capitalist societies. Cox foregrounds dialectics when thinking about change, imperialism in research of economics, and hegemony for mobilization. Habermas and Honneth both dedicate attention almost exclusively to the development of the welfare state in the Euro-American world. The state—mainly through the institutions around the rule of law, including the use of state power to enforce legal decisions—occupies a central place in advancing dialogue as a normative political project. In Lenin’s view, if the program were to begin with a characterisation of imperialism “we must begin with the characterisation of imperialism as a whole – and in that case we must not single out only the ‘export of capital’”, complaining that “Comrade Sokolnikov inserted a bit of the definition of imperialism (the export of capital)”. The piece reads Lenin's contributions on imperialism, highlighting his understanding of strategy and the dual nature of nationalism, in light of debates within Critical Theory more generally. In Lenin's hands, Critical Theory is a tool to mobilize people, draw distinctions with antagonists, and build movement unity. In one way, this objective is behind his concept of the “labor aristocracy,” where Lenin condemns the tendency to produce “workers-turned-bourgeois…[who are] quite philistine in their mode of life, in the size of their earnings, and in their entire outlook ([1975] 1916a, 209).” The term combines economics relations with political considerations. 5 . 9 Preface to the Russian edition, 26 Ap. Lenin translates his work with an eye to such events in other countries, helping to popularize a political interpretation of imperialism that contradicts neutral representations of international economics and conflict. Naturally, only the exploiting class, i.e., the bourgeoisie [1975] (1916b, 326).” Strategically, Lenin recognizes that a revolutionary movement cannot ignore or dismiss the state. Theories of imperialism and Marxism in the early French socialism: the case of Paul Louis (1896-1907) Manuel Quiroga Soto* ... Lenin, Vladimir (1964), "Notebooks on imperialism, Vol. This concept, which speaks to Marxist discussions of praxis, ties abstract theorizing to political and economic analysis, as well as to movement building projects. Lenin and Imperialism PRABHAT PAINAIK (ed)- Lenin and Imperialism : An Appraisal of Theories and Contemporary Reality, New Delhi, Orient Longman 1986, pp 414. Collected Works 39 (Notebooks on Imperialism): 735–742. Cox's work departs from Ashley's conceptually, but not entirely. https://encyclopedia2.thefreedictionary.com/Notebooks+on+Imperialism, Dictionary, Encyclopedia and Thesaurus - The Free Dictionary, the webmaster's page for free fun content. His work on social movements, political economy, and Latin American politics has appeared in a variety of academic publications, newspaper editorials, and online publications. “During this period,” Lenin write with respect to socializing property, “the state must inevitably be a state that is democratic in a new way (for the proletariat and the propertyless in general) and dictatorial in a new way (against the bourgeoisie) ([1975] 1916b, 334).” Harding is somewhat correct to note that this leads to a kind of “institutional relativism” in Lenin's thought (1996, 258). The reason is that mass dictatorship rejects opportunism, which keeps group grievances separate from one another and promotes addressing social problems within the already-constituted state's legal, political, and/or economic institutions. The point is to wield state power and move beyond it, building movements that feature anti-imperialist forms of territorial control. Marx and Engels, for example, are integral, for not only providing concepts to analyze social relations, but also for intervening into affairs in ways similar to some ethnographers (Murphy 2007, 131–132). He undertook ‘enormous preparatory work’ (Labica, 2007: 223) for his work on imperialism that is documented in his 21 ‘Notebooks on Imperialism’ (Lenin, 1912–1916), which contain notes on 150 books and 240 articles. Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. As he explains, “if one conceives of socialism as the set of necessary conditions for emancipated forms of life about which the participants themselves must first reach an understanding, then one will recognize that the democratic self-organization of a legal community constitutes the normative core of this project (1998, xli).” To illustrate how this rendition of socialism and emancipation connect, Habermas introduces the public sphere as dialogue-as-politics. Harvey writes, “imperialistic practices, from the perspective of capitalistic logic, are typically about exploiting the uneven geographical conditions under which capital accumulation occurs (31).” Harvey's point is that capitalism operates independent of particular spaces.4. Nationalists of such a stripe could be stricken from the public sphere, but such an action violates the conditions for discourse ethics in terms of using coercion. Similarly, Narayan notes the divisive effects of white supremacy on movement mobilization, as well as how racial capitalism has changed over time (2017). According to Lenin, the imperialist epoch is the epoch of the monopolies, inextricably associated with the epoch of colonial oppression, of subordination of poor countries to imperialist countries. Lenin’s Imperialism remains as one of the most important works for understanding the political, economic, and social consequences of global capitalism. The Comintern: A History of International Communism from Lenin to Stalin, The Promise of Critical IR, Partially Kept, The Wages of Whiteness in the Absence of Wages: Racial Capitalism, Reactionary Intercommunalism and the Rise of Trumpism, Factory of Strategy: Thirty-three Lessons on Lenin, Lenin's Electoral Strategy from Marx and Engels through the Revolution of 1905: The Ballot, the Streets—or Both, Revolution Decentered: Two Studies on Lenin, Let's Argue!”: Communicative Action in World Politics, Social Theory and Globalization: The Rise of a Transnational State, The Campesino-to-Campesino Agroecology Movement of ANAP in Cuba: Social Process Methodology in the Construction of Sustainable Peasant Agriculture and Food Sovereignty, The Concept of the Political: Expanded Edition, Hands Off Haiti!” Self-determination, Anti-imperialism, and the Communist Movement in the United States, 1925–1929, Socialist Modes of Governance and the ``Withering Away of the State”: Revisiting Lenin's State and Revolution, The Second Sight of Racialised Outsiders in the Imperialist Core, Food Sovereignty: Towards Democracy in Localized Food Systems, Critical Theory: International Relations’ Engagement with the Frankfurt School and Marxism, Oxford Research Encyclopedia of International Studies, Lenin 2017: Remembering, Repeating, and Working Through. Search for other works by this author on: Lenin, Hegel, and Western Marxism: A Critical Study, The Rediscovery and Persistence of the Dialectic in Philosophy and in World Politics, Lenin Reloaded: Toward a Politics of Truth, The Geopolitics of Geopolitical Space: Toward a Critical Social Theory of International Politics, Introduction: Speaking the Language of Exile: Dissident Thought in International Studies, The Emergence of the Communist Perspective on The "Negro Question" in America: 1919–1931: Part One, Marxist Theories of Imperialism: A Critical Survey, Black Bolsheviks” and Recognition of African-America's Right to Self-Determination By the Communist Party USA, Dependency and Development in Latin America, Social Forces, States and World Orders: Beyond International Relations Theory, Civil Society At the Turn of the Millennium: Prospects for an Alternative World Order, Separating the Doing and the Deed: Capital and the Continuous Character of Enclosures, Globalization and the Power of Peasants: La Vía Campesina, A Useful Dialogue? Critical IR theorists, such as Mark Ruppert, would agree with this depiction, as his adaption of Gramsci takes the state as a historical product and not as a natural unit in social life (1995, 14–15). Search. 1915b [1933]. Critical theory, typically understood, came after Lenin's time. Lenin tried to ‘update’ Marx’s analysis to take account of the new phase of capitalist development. Concerning imperialism as government policy, Lenin criticizes other socialists, such as Hilferding, who embrace this view (261–262). Lenin’s main target is Karl Kautsky’s theory of ultra-imperialism, which predicts the emergence of a transnational and pacific capitalism (a theme of contemporary debates about globalization). Even building dialogue into institutions does not transform them as much as ensure that they operate well. The question explored here is whether or not these attempts were based upon an adequate understanding of Marx’s main work. Similar to Ashley's presentation of Critical Theory, Cox's thought on practice remains wedded to the academy. Lenin's critical analysis of imperialism understands uneven development within, at the level of, and across nation-states. Still, the narrow, conservative nationalism of social chauvinism remains a danger for movements. Second, I attempted to show that the Hegel Notebooks of 1914-15 served as a philosophical underpinning for Lenin’s important post-1914 writings, especially Imperialism: The Highest Stage of Capitalism (1916), the writings on national liberation, and State and Revolution (1917). Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism (1917), by Vladimir Lenin, describes the function of financial capital in generating profits from imperialist colonialism as the final stage of capitalist development to ensure greater profits. The Notebooks are a brilliant example of the scientific, partisan approach to the study of diverse sources, written by bourgeois and petit bourgeois economists, historians, financial dealers, politicians, reformers, and revisionists. Lenin published editorials in newspapers to persuade readers and discuss the class nature of political parties (1912a), promoted and encouraged candidates to run in democratic elections (1922; see also Nimtz 2016) and explained to the public the meaning and importance of strikes (1912b, 1913). 14 Lenin,Imperialism,89 unequal distribution of wealth," 15 caused capitalism to become over-ripe. Honneth draws on Hegel and Mead in his thinking on the politics of recognition, noting the different social places for the family, civil society, and the state (1996, 94). Lenin's pamphlet "Imperialism: The Highest Stage of Capitalism". 1917. 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